The European and american election years - what are we actually talking about?
I have, for the past four months, been following American politics as well as the ongoing EU election. While these processes are largely different—where, for instance, Americans vote for a president rather than a party, and the election does not revolve around parliamentary seats—I can still see a worrying aspect in both elections. This aspect involves how the populist right (with Trump as the leading figure in the US and the Identity and Democracy group in the EU Parliament) has shaped the political discussion to revolve around the character of these groups rather than their political message. Consequently, voters are unable to understand what they are voting for on key issues and instead focus on who they are voting against.
Among scholars today, for instance, Ruth Wodak has coined the term "politics of fear" to describe how right-wing groups mobilize by invoking tensions between "citizens" and "immigrants," establishing a fear that the majority will lose everything from employment and traditional values to state security to immigrants. Historically, such arguments had significant difficulties gaining mainstream political influence until the early 2000s. This was partly due to the memories of World War II when the population saw the absolute consequences of racism. However, in the early 2000s, and perhaps even earlier, there was a shift towards an increased understanding of the right wing as having a point, thereby gaining them electoral support. Like all drastic shifts in politics, this development was met with resistance, such as the massive political mobilization during the French presidential election of 2002 and the efforts against the Sweden Democrats in the 2006 election. Yet, ultra-right movements have made significant progress over the past decade, while the rhetoric of their counterparts remains the same.
The politics of fear thus seem relevant for many people in both the US and Europe. What is interesting is that it also silences democracy on all issues other than those of immigration and integration. Having followed the Swedish elections for the better part of a month, I fully understand how the parties relate to one another on issues of migration, but I know almost nothing about other areas of politics. Therefore, the ability to make an informed decision requires one to read through the party groups' ideas on their web pages, but this is not something an ordinary person has the time to do. And this is where another key concern comes into play: namely, the legitimacy of the political system.
Drawing inspiration from the works of David Beetham, legitimacy can be understood as part of a wider social conflict, where society needs to organize itself hierarchically to be effective and managed. Such power relations, however, demand legitimacy, where those governed feel that the institutions in play have the right to create laws and manage issues of resource distribution. From the perspective of the current political climate, such legitimacy can be derived from voters who make an informed decision and then vote for the party they believe can best represent their interests. However, this is an act of giving consent to power, and this consent can easily be withdrawn by not voting in the following elections. Following this line of thought, it becomes clear that the overall focus on the populist right's way of speaking, rather than the content of their message, can create a legitimacy crisis for the power institutions in Europe. If voters do not have the ability to make informed decisions, they will eventually feel their politicians do not represent them, which in the end jeopardizes the entire political system.
So, what does all of this mean? Perhaps it means that journalism and conventional politicians should look beyond non-viable political agendas such as building a physical wall around the European Union. Instead, it might be time to talk about the more mundane questions such as work regulation, environmental policy, and so on, in order to give the people the best possible circumstances for voting. If not, I fear that the politics of fear will actually be successful, as it can dismantle the entire political system.
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